Group Therapy Model for Refugee and Torture Survivors

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Group therapy model for refugee

and torture survivors

Ibrahim A. Kira PhD*, Asha Ahmed PhD*, Vanessa Mahmoud, Msw* & Fatima Wassim, MA*

Abstract

The paper discusses the Center for Torture and Trauma Survivors’ therapy group model for tor­ture survivors and describes two of its variants: The Bashal group for African and Somali women and the Bhutanese multi-family therapy group. Group therapies in this model extend to com­munity healing. Groups develop their cohesion to graduate to a social community club or initi­ate a community organization. New graduates from the group join the club and become part of the social advocacy process and of group and individual support and community healing. The BASHAL Somali women’s group that developed spontaneously into a socio-political club for Af­rican women, and the Bhutanese family group that consciously developed into a Bhutanese com­munity organization are discussed as two variants of this new model of group therapy with torture survivors.

Key words: group therapy, refugees, wraparound approach for torture treatment, community healing

Introduction

There is an increased concern about the relevance and effectiveness of current mental health programs and existing interventions

*) Center for Torture and Trauma Survivors CTTS, Georgia, USA. iakira@dhr.state.ga.us

that are derived from individualistic western cultures and based mostly on addressing single personal identity trauma, for example sexual abuse, with clients from different cultures and with refugees and minority populations who are cumulatively trauma­tized with personal and collective identity traumas.1-3

In general, treatment of refugees who have survived violence and torture is com­plicated and not manuals-bound. Most evidence-based traditional group therapies have been developed to address specific single personal identity trauma, e.g., sexual abuse, or post such single trauma symptoms using different cognitive behavioural, psycho-dynamic or other theoretical and technical approaches. However, refugees and torture survivors went through, and are possibly still going through, a host of different trauma types that include personal and collective identity traumas and which have cumulative effects. Cumulative trauma dynamics are dif­ferent from the dynamics of single trauma.4 Additionally, refugees and torture survivors usually belong to different cultures which are more collective than individualistic and may belong to different religious heritages other than those form which such group therapies were developed.5 It is important to adapt current evidence-based group therapies, regardless of their theoretical and

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technical approaches, to address cumulative trauma and collective identity traumas that clients endured, or are enduring, in order to be acceptable and effective with refugees and torture survivors. Most refugee populations and torture survivors come from collective cultures and the core (or index) traumas for most of them are collective identity traumas. In the case of ethnic persecution, which is a collective identity trauma, the group char­acter is even more evident. The traumatized refugees have become victims of persecution and or torture because of their belonging to a certain group. In collectivistic culture, heal­ing usually take place within the group context. When people get persecuted because of their group characteristics, a group therapy seems logical and has more therapeutic potential. In collectivistic cultures, it is common for families and community elders or religious or political leaders to be the first source of support for personal problems or health con­cerns. Family group therapy and community work can be especially effective. Using modi­fied or newly designed group interventions can be a potentially effective component in a wraparound multi-component, multi-model process for treating victims of political vio­lence.6-8

Torture consists of different traumas that target an individual or group. Col­lective identity is an important factor in this complex trauma. The multi-systemic, multi-component, wraparound psychosocial rehabilitation approach for torture treat­ment addresses the three systems affected by torture: The individual, family members and the group.6-8 Group therapy for torture survivors is an important component of this model. Group therapies in this model extend to community healing. Groups de­velop their cohesion in order to graduate to a social community club or initiate a com­munity organization. New graduates from

the group join the club and become part of the social advocacy process and of group and community support and healing. Fol­lowing this model, the Centre for Torture and Trauma Survivors (CTTS) currently conducts family and women’s groups for Iraqis, a Burmese men’s group, a Bhutanese family group, and an African women’s group of members who survived both torture and HIV (caused by rape during torture). In the following, we describe two of these groups as two variants of the model where each ends up establishing a sustainable community or­ganization, the Bashaal women’s group and the Bhutanese multi-family group, albeit in different ways.

Bashaal: a comforting shoulder In August 2006, CTTS began a thera peutic group for Somali, Ethiopian and other Sub-Saharan women who had suffered war trauma and torture. The group was led by a Somali case manager/community liaison and a consulting therapist. They were able to combine the case manager knowledge of Somali culture and language with the therapist’s experience with trauma and dis­sociation. They began the group by focusing on the common thread of female genital circumcision.

In the following months the group fo­cused on the women’s support of each other, the importance of their faith and culture in their survival, and their need for help in interfacing with systems. In the process of addressing day-to-day concerns and health problems, the women began to talk about the trauma they had experienced.

Three group changes have marked the growing empowerment of the women. In November 2006, the group members took “ownership” of the group by naming it Bashaal, which refers, in Somalia, to a late afternoon women’s gathering in the pres‑

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ence of wise elders, a time to share their stories of troubles and triumphs. They share ginger tea and dates, while relaxing after the day’s chores. The second significant change was to move the group from the offices of CTTS to a community room in the heart of the Somali and Ethiopian community, near the main Masjid mosque. The organization and use of the center was negotiated by the physician, with the support of the Somali community. The room is furnished in a trad­itional Sub-Saharan manner and is cared for by the women. In the summer of 2008, a new therapist started a second women’s group with the Somali case manager/com­munity liaison, while the first group con­tinued as a self-sufficient group, sometimes mentoring the new group!

The group has interpreters and various interns who assist and visit and who help members reach the goals they have set for the group. The goals of the group are:

a)  To give members a safe place to gather and to talk about their concerns, includ­ing their recovery from torture;

b)  To assist in the acculturation and immi­gration process by discussing cultural and religious differences they encounter;

c)  To increase members’ feelings of personal empowerment and mastery in various aspects of their lives through trad itional women’s handicrafts and basic living skills;

d)  To diminish symptoms of PTSD, anxiety and depression through psychotherapy and support;

e)  To form a social organization that brings women out of isolation and that can eventually be maintained by members with a steady core membership.

After an initial assessment of the potential group members’ experiences with torture and trauma, using the instruments devel‑

oped for the Center for Torture and Trauma, approximately 20 members were selected by the case manager for membership in the group. Meetings are held once a week, on Fridays, prior to Jumah (Friday) prayers. Participants are transported to meetings or arrive via public transportation. Refresh­ments are often served, particularly tea and sweets. Members greet each other tradition­ally and get to know the rules of the group. Confidentiality, privacy and safety are em­phasized in the group.

The therapist facilitates a therapeutic group process, incorporating relaxation breathing and guided imagery for stress relief, pain management, and relief from intrusion phenomena. The group is organ­ized around a theme or activity each week, pre-selected by the members and the thera­pist the week before. Themes include: im­migration experiences, parenting, marriage, communicating with doctors, tribal conflict, difficulties in protecting and raising sons, finding husbands for daughters, maintaining authority with children, memories, night­mares and dreams, financial difficulties, cultural differences, divorce, losses, grief, rage and loneliness. Activities can include crocheting, knitting, quilting, drawing, sew­ing, simple automobile maintenance, driving tests, scrapbooking, jewelry making, etc. These activities are all activities they can continue outside of the group. They are nor­malizing, calming and soothing to the mem­bers. While they are working on a project they hold their discussions, just as one might on a visit to a friend. Within this context, the shame and guilt that they might otherwise feel when thinking or talking about many issues is diminished. Members look forward to these meetings every week. They report using their crafts as ways to calm and soothe themselves at home when times are difficult. They are supportive and respectful of one

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another. They cry and laugh together and celebrate each person’s small triumphs or significant losses. In this way, the group is truly a comforting shoulder for each woman.

Bhutanese Multi-family Therapy Group for Torture Survivors’ Families

The group started in November, 2008, con­sisted of between five and eight families. The group was led by a bilingual mental health counsellor, and a Bhutanese case manager/ community liaison co-facilitator who has a masters degree in Political science from Nepal. The goals of the group are:

a)  To give members a safe place to gather and to talk about their concerns and their stories, including their recovery from tor­ture;

b)  To assist in the socio-cultural adjustment;

c)  To increase members’ feelings of personal empowerment and mastery in various as­pects of their lives;

d)  To diminish symptoms of PTSD, anxiety and depression;

e)  To form a social organization for Bhu­tanese torture survivors who continue to support each other after the group and advocate against torture and oppression, which helps with the continuation of per­sonal and community healing, advocacy and social support.

However, the focus in the first stage switched to survival issues, because of the new added traumatic stress, arising from the dire economic situation in US at the time. The therapy focused, at this stage, in devel­oping assertiveness training, problem solv­ing skills, using humour, laughter and other skills, for example, journaling and making to do lists.

Clients are encouraged to share their story but they are not pushed to. Most of

the members are interested in discussing religious topics. They are also interested in discussing the politics of Nepal and Bhutan. The experience one time of a member who was very quiet in all sessions, but who spoke up for the first time about politics and gave his opinion, shows the relevance of this topic to group participants.

General Principles for torture groups:

1)  Helping clients regain control of their life. Also, providing a safe space to practice control during group time. For example, letting them have cell phones and giving them the choice to answer it (it could be from their job agency, sick relative, etc.)

2)  Giving them choices and teaching them to choose for themselves. Letting them make the rules for the group and then adding more important ones if neces­sary.

3)  Abstaining from re-traumatizing by recalling memories of torture. Encour­age, not force them to share about their torture. Most of them are afraid, guilty, embarrassed, feel responsible for what happened to them.

4)  Most importantly, establishing and gaining their trust. Making them feel very comfortable in any way possible. Talking about their history, where they came from, history behind their coun­try, learning about their culture and its practices. Letting them educate the therapist and case managers about the conditions they came from. Talk about politics and religion, their favorite mov­ies, songs they like.

5)  Using laughter and humour: Laugh­ing is the shortest route to the heart. Strat egies of telling jokes and laughing in the moment helps them forget about their pain for now. Talking about the

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new host culture, inviting them to share any funny events relating to the host culture that they experienced are help­ful interventions.

6)    Using art and other creative activities. Collage was liked by all members. Tell­ing stories by looking at some emo­tion cards, writing letters of gratitude, accultur ation activities, educating about the new culture and its practices, hav­ing them draw their interests, hobbies, strengths, accomplishments, successes, and positive focused therapeutic activi­ties were all utilized.

7)    Balancing power dynamics in the group was important. Getting down to their level and accessing them, reflection of power in dress, seating in the group, not practicing too much control, or making strict rules were important.

8)    Letting them vent and complain be­cause they have no place else to do that. Listen to them closely without any judgements, supporting them, but not letting them obsess about complaining and intervening when they are com­plaining too much.

9)    Help problem-solve. Brain storm with them to solve the current problems in their life (ranging from filling forms to accessing transportation, getting jobs, learning English, etc.).

10) Help create a cohesive bond between them, so they have access to support outside the group setting. They can help each other which will help them feel good about themselves if they can help others.

11) Teach basic coping techniques with stress, adaptation to a new culture, find out how well they cope currently and find strengths in them. Learn their ways of coping and help reinforce those if they haven’t been coping well.

12)      Psycho-education about their symp­toms and how it relates to their overall traumatic experiences, about PTSD, how it is affecting their life and how they can minimize the symptoms, cope with them, take care of themselves.

13)      Teach them the importance of self-care. Most of them are very modest, gener­ous, put others first and leave them­selves out.

14)      Getting them involved with community events. Invite them to attend events related to the celebration of torture survivors, cultural celebrations, and potlucks.

15)      Teach them assertiveness, conflict resolution, parenting skills. Help them practice/role model newly learned tech­niques in the group and get feedback.

16)      Letting them tell their story without forcing them, but a little probing may be necessary. Make sure they feel safety and trust.

17)      Find out about their religion and spir­itual strengths and practices. For most of them that is the first resource or coping strategy to turn to their religion.

18)      Involve their family and community.

The Bhutanese group provided another model for achieving the community organ­ization goal. While community organization in the Bashaal group happened spontan­eously, in the Bhutanese group it happened intentionally. The case manager, the co-fa­cilitator of the group, who is a Bhutanese community leader and previous political science professor in Nepal, initiated the call for group organization after the sixth session, and started to help them apply for non-profit status. In this model the case manager, a Bhutanese leader himself, who has a master’s degree in political science, initiated establishing the non-profit organiza‑

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tion for the Bhutanese community of torture and non-torture survivors. The organization celebrated cultural events and organized art and craft expositions and participated in the Georgia coalition of refugee stakeholders.

Summary and conclusions

Torture consists of different traumas that target an individual or group. Collective iden­tity is an important factor in this complex trauma. The multi-systemic, multi-compo­nent, wraparound psychosocial rehabilitation approach for torture treatment addresses the three systems affected by torture: The indi­vidual, family members and the group. Group therapy for torture survivors is an important component of this model. Group therapies extend to community healing. Groups de­velop their cohesion to graduate to a social community club. New graduates from the group join the club and become part of the social advocacy process and of group and community healing. The Bashal Somali women group and the Bhutanese multifamily groups are variants of this model. The wom­en’s therapy group has developed to be a social club for Somali torture survivor women that convenes and arranges social activities and work on arts and crafts. They hold their events to celebrate and sell their products and to lobby against torture in the community at large. The Bhutanese group provided another variant of the model for achieving in com­munity organization goal. While community organization in the Bashaal group happened spontaneously, in the Bhutanese group it hap­pened intentionally. The case manager, the co-facilitator of the group who is a Bhutanese community leader, initiated the call for group organization. While the CTTS group therapy model with its variants have a theoretical face and validity, future studies are needed to provide empirical evidence of its effectiveness in achieving and sustaining its goals.

WHO TAUGHT YOU TO HATE YOURSELF? (May 5, 1962, Los Angeles) – StumbleUpon

WHO TAUGHT YOU TO HATE YOURSELF? (May 5, 1962, Los Angeles) – StumbleUpon.

Ralph Turchiano's avatarEngineering Evil

Arkansas legislator, Republican Jon Hubbard, says slavery may ‘have been a blessing’ in new book.

News DeskOctober 6, 2012 17:34

Clone of slave chains 7 12 2012
US Arkansas legislator makes claims about slavery in new book. (Paula Bronstein/AFP/Getty Images)

Arkansas legislator, Republican Jon Hubbard, says slavery may ‘have been a blessing’ in his new book.

Hubbard, a first term member of the Arkansas House of Representatives, made a number of “racially charged statements” in “Letters to the Editor: Confessions of a Frustrated Conservative,” according to the Huffington Post.

The Arkansas Times reported Hubbard wrote:

“… the institution of slavery that the black race has long believed to be an abomination upon its people may actually have been a blessing in disguise. The blacks who could endure those conditions and circumstances would someday be rewarded with citizenship in the greatest nation ever established upon the face of the Earth.” (Pages 183-89)

In his self-published book, Hubbard also…

View original post 54 more words

African Music and Traditional Healing

Uganda harp.
Uganda harp. (Photo credit: New York Public Library)

Nzewi.

Backcloth to Music and Healing in Traditional African Society

The African Knowledge of Sickness

The old African world thrived on a balance of the physical and the intangible. In other words there was mutual dependency between the physical world and the active immaterial or supernatural forces, and African peoples survived because of the ability to harmonize the religious and the secular, the spiritual and the mundane, the intangible and the material realities.

The human person possesses, and is animated by, both profane and spiritual egos in symbiotic existence. The disease or malfunctioning of the one impairs the stability or efficacy of the other, and thereby the health of the whole. The cure of the sick must then be holistic for the African – healing the ego that manifests tangible ailment entailed co-jointly healing the co-acting ego that has become latently infected. The process of properly curing a physically ill person in the African medical practice then compels healing the person’s psyche or spiritual well being as well as the physiological. When herbs fail, heal the spirit.

Traditional Africa recognizes that when the environment is sick, diseases become prevalent; and when such diseased material or spiritual environment is rehabilitated, human health becomes secure. When the group spirit is polluted, the minds of individuals become infected, the human sphere becomes sick. When a human body is sick, the animating spirit becomes poisoned, and the human sphere becomes unhealthy.

The traditional African concept of illness recognizes natural and supernatural causes, ordinarily co-acting together. Ill health can manifest as malfunctioning physiology, mental-spiritual disorder or unusual external misfortune. Illness may be self-generated (psychosomatic), other-engineered, congenital or caused by foreign agents. Sickness is not always diagnosed as the malfunctioning of body parts or organs in isolation, even though the seat of the sick-feeling may be located in a body part – external or internal. Sickness could be a sign for something else, positive or injurious, which is impending. When such a sign gets mistaken as ordinary sickness, or when it is ignored and unattended to, the person harboring the sign may suffer permanent injury, usually mental.

In the community-structured African socio-political system the sickness of an individual generates levels of conflicts: Conflict within the sufferer, conflict within the family and compound unit, conflict within the entire geo-political community. The conflict could have social, economic or religious dimensions. As such, the suffering of an individual affects the well-being of many others, and would compel group empathy in seeking remedy. The community is concerned to avoid the incidence of illness of any category, and to manage or contain incidents of illness as a group even though there are specialist healers. It is for the reason that an individual’s sickness can impinge on the normal functioning of an entire community that African health practice places a premium on preventive health programs. Preventive health includes scheduled and mandatory environmental cleaning, avoidance rites to ward off evil forces (human and of spirit mien), as well as constant musical arts theatre that coerces mass participation, annual group spirit purgation music-drama (new-year rites), compound hygiene etc.

The process of healing the sick, which involves the restoration of the psychic health of the sufferer as well as the community, is structured and systematic, often contextualizing the community in ritual-theatrical dimension, in order to heal the entire community psyche. The active, supportive involvement of the community boosts the life energy of the sick. A stable psychological condition is thus generated for the specialist healer to undertake the specialized process of physical or metaphysical medication.

On Becoming an African Healer

In some African cultures a person who will eventually become a healer is supernaturally selected through signs such as sickness. The signs, which often result in strange behavior or physiological ill health, manifest irrespective of age and gender. When diagnosed, preparing or capacitating the person to become a healer could entail the medical-musical theatre of “opening of the inner eyes” (to perceive beyond the commonly visible) or the “reception of extraordinary communications” (from the supernatural forces). When a sign selects a person that must be “purified” or empowered to become a healer, she thereafter becomes capable of perceiving knowledge of sicknesses and curative elements through super-ordinary sensitization. Hence there are induction ceremonies, often locally discussed as “capturing the spirit” or “welcoming the ancestral spirit-guide”.

Music in Healing

Guitar being played by Tom Walton: White Sprin...
Guitar being played by Tom Walton: White Springs, Florida (Photo credit: State Library and Archives of Florida)

The term music here suggests the musical arts theatre of the structured musical sound, dance, dramatic arts and performance plastic arts.

Music in traditional Africa is the science of being; the art of living with health. Music is the intangible resonance of which the human body and soul are composed: The human body is the quintessential sound instrument; the human soul is the ethereal melody. A matching of human souls is the foundation of African harmonic thought and sound. Musical harmony is the consonance of complementary inter-dependent melodies and timbres – vocal or instrumental. Dissonance occurs when independent melodies or souls or tone/pitch levels fail to harmonize in accord with a culture’s normative idioms of interaction in life and music. Complementation of souls or the consonance of matching melodies generates healthy resonance – a healing energy. What constitutes dissonance is culturally, not universally determined. Dissonance of component parts or elements of a music event could be prescribed by a non-musical intention, which could be healing. Dissonance, whether of souls or co-sounding melodies/pitch levels/tone levels/timbres, arouses disquietude, a disruption of composure, which then compels a need to resolve irregularity. Otherwise, a state of disrupted harmony or accord would prevail, and could become injurious.

Autoethnography

 

A segment of a social network
A segment of a social network (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

 

Autoethnography is a form of autobiography, self-reflection and writing that explores the researcher’s personal experience and connects this autobiographical story to wider cultural, political, and social meanings and understandings.[1][2] It differs from ethnography —a qualitative research method in which a researcher uses participant observation and interviews in order to gain a deeper understanding of a group’s culture— in that autoethnography focuses on the writer’s subjective experience rather than, or in interaction with, the beliefs and practices of others. As a form of self-reflective writing, autoethnography is widely used in performance studies and English.

 

Contents

 

[show]

 

Autoethnography as a qualitative research methodEdit

 

DefinitionEdit

 

According to Maréchal (2010), “autoethnography is a form or method of research that involves self-observation and reflexive investigation in the context of ethnographic field work and writing” (p. 43). Another well-known autoethnographer, Carolyn Ellis (2004) defines it as “research, writing, story, and method that connect the autobiographical and personal to the cultural, social, and political” (p. xix). However, it is not easy to reach a consensus on the term’s definition. For instance, in the 1970s, autoethnography was more narrowly defined as “insider ethnography,” referring to studies of the (culture of) a group of which the researcher is a member (Hayano, 1979). Nowadays, however, as Ellingson and Ellis (2008) point out, “the meanings and applications of autoethnography have evolved in a manner that makes precise definition difficult” (p. 449).

 

Epistemological/Theoretical groundEdit

 

Autoethnography differs from ethnography, a social research method employed by anthropologists and sociologists, in that it embraces and foregrounds the researcher’s subjectivity rather than attempting to limit it, as in empirical research. While ethnography tends to be understood as a qualitative method in the ‘social sciences’ that describes human social phenomena based on fieldwork, autoethnographers are themselves the primary participant/subject of the research in the process of writing personal stories and narratives. Autoethnography “as a form of ethnography,” Ellis (2004) writes, is “part auto or self and part ethno or culture” (p. 31) and “something different from both of them, greater than its parts” (p. 32). In other words, as Ellingson and Ellis (2008) put it, “whether we call a work an autoethnography or an ethnography depends as much on the claims made by authors as anything else” (p. 449).

 

via Autoethnography – Psychology Wiki.

 

 

 

Michelle Alexander on the Irrational Race Bias of the Criminal Justice and Prison Systems

Michelle Alexander wrote a paradigm-shifting exploration of modern racism, the so-called war on drugs and the prison-industrial complex. You can obtain a copy of this eye-opening paperback, “The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness,” directly from Truthout right now by clicking here.

Mark Karlin: Before we get into the details, is it accurate to characterize your thesis, in a colloquial way, by saying that institutionalized racial casting is alive and even ratcheting up in the United states in 2012?

Michelle Alexander: Yes, I do believe that something akin to a racial caste system is alive and well in America. For reasons that have stunningly little to do with crime or crime rates, we, as a nation, have chosen to lock up more than two million people behind bars. Millions more are on probation or parole, or branded felons for life and thus locked into a permanent second-class status. The mass incarceration of poor people of color, particularly black men, has emerged as a new caste system, one specifically designed to address the social, economic, and political challenges of our time. It is, in my view, the moral equivalent of Jim Crow.

MK: You identify the key societal perpetuation of the stigmatization of the black male as the so-called “criminal justice system.” It appears to have become an accepted bureaucratic injustice.

MA: Mass incarceration has become normalized in the United States. Poor folks of color are shuttled from decrepit, underfunded schools to brand new, high tech prisons and then relegated to a permanent undercaste – stigmatized as undeserving of any moral care or concern. Black men in ghetto communities (and many who live in middle class communities) are targeted by the police at early ages, often before they’re old enough to vote. They’re routinely stopped, frisked, and searched without reasonable suspicion or probable cause. Eventually they’re arrested, whether they’ve committed any serious crime or not, and branded criminals or felons for life. Upon release, they’re ushered into a parallel social universe in which the civil and human rights supposedly won during the Civil Rights Movement no longer apply to them. For the rest of their lives, they can be denied the right to vote, automatically excluded from juries, and legally discriminated against in employment, housing, access to education and public benefits. So many of the old forms of discrimination that we supposedly left behind during the Jim Crow era are suddenly legal again once you’ve been branded a felon. That’s why I say we haven’t ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it. In many large urban areas, the majority of working age African American men now have criminal records and are thus subject to legalized discrimination for the rest of their lives. It is viewed as “normal” in ghetto communities to go to prison or jail. One study conducted in Washington, D.C. indicated that 3 out of 4 black men, and nearly all those living in the poorest neighborhoods could expect to find themselves behind bars at some point in their life. Nationwide, 1 in 3 black men can expect to serve time behind bars, but the rates are far higher in segregated and impoverished black communities. A massive new penal system has emerged in the past few decades – a penal system unprecedented in world history. It is a system driven almost entirely by race and class.

MK: How fast has our prison incarceration rate grown and to what extent does the growth correlate with the arrest of black males for nonviolent offenses? Doesn’t the US have the largest incarceration rate in the world?

MA: The United States does have the highest rate of incarceration in the world dwarfing the rates of even highly repressive regimes like Russia, China or Iran. This reflects a radical shift in criminal justice policy, a stunning development that virtually no one – not even the best criminologists – predicted forty years ago. Our prison population quintupled in a thirty year period of time. Not doubled or tripled – quintupled. We went from a prison and jail population of about 300,000 to now more than 2 million. Most people seem to assume that this dramatic surge in imprisonment was due to a corresponding surge in crime, particularly violent crime. But that simply isn’t true. During the same period of time that incarceration rates skyrocketed, crime rates fluctuated. Crime rates went up, then went down, then went up, then went down again. Today, crime rates are at historical lows. But incarceration rates – throughout all of these fluctuations – have consistently soared. Most criminologists today will acknowledge that crime rates and incarceration rates in the United States have had relatively little to do with each other. Incarceration rates – especially black incarceration rates – have soared regardless of whether crime has been going up or down in any given community or the nation as a whole.

via Michelle Alexander on the Irrational Race Bias of the Criminal Justice and Prison Systems.

Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment – NEO•GRIOT

 

English: One of the unwitting human test subje...
English: One of the unwitting human test subjects of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study Category:Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

 

The Tuskegee

 

Syphilis Experiment

 

The U.S. government’s 40-year experiment

 

on black men with syphilis

 

by Borgna Brunner

 

“The United States government did something that was wrong—deeply, profoundly, morally wrong. It was an outrage to our commitment to integrity and equality for all our citizens… clearly racist.”

 

—President Clinton’s apology for the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment to the eight remaining survivors, May 16, 1997

 

via HISTORY + VIDEO: Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment (History, Facts, Bad Blood, Bad Science) > Infoplease – NEO•GRIOT.

 

Real Talk: Does Battling a Stereotype Wear You Out? | Essence.com

Real Talk: Does Battling a Stereotype Wear You Out?

By Demetria L. Lucas

Real Talk: Does Battling a Stereotype Wear You Out?

Earlier this week, I stumbled across another thought-provoking article on Clutch that made me go “hmmm.” In “Sorry to Disappoint You, But I’m Not an Angry Black Woman,” Shayla Pierce wrote about the ways she’s been unduly stereotyped as being, you know, angry. She detailed an experience at a restaurant where she was dissatisfied with her food, pointed out the issue and politely asked for a new item.

“I expected the waiter to blush with embarrassment, or to apologize or even to send for the manager so he can comp my meal,” Pierce wrote. “Instead, when I looked back at the waiter, his eyes were wide with fear, like a deer’s seconds before a car collides into it.”

via Real Talk: Does Battling a Stereotype Wear You Out? | Essence.com.

And The Time To Resist Is Now.

And The Time To Resist Is Now..http://www.historyisaweapon.com/indextrue.html

From the Blog:

History is a Weapon

  If this is your first time at the site, it can look a little daunting. To help you navigate, we’ll spell out how everything is organized so you can find what you need.
       This is an online Left reader focusing largely on American resistance history. The readings are organized in sections (“Chapters”). If you are struggling with a particular question, you can go that chapter. For example, if you want to know “Why are there so many people in prison?” you can go to “Chapter 3: The Long Chain”. We’ll include a good starter essay here for each. Notice that some chapters have so many readings that it won’t fit on one page; use the UP and DOWN buttons below the list to navigate to additional readings.
       If you aren’t dealing with a particular question, feel free to work your way through all the starter essays and head back to the issues that stirred you the most. Here we go:

  1. What is this America? Three books by authors trying to redefine what America is, the horror and the potential. We’re a little biased, but Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United Statesis a fine beginning.
  2. Learning To Surrender The role of education: How does a system teach us about itself? Malcolm X describes his education and its effects on him in this excerpt from “The Autobiography of Malcolm X”
  3. The Long Chain These essays tackle the relationships between the economy, police, prison, and slavery. A good starting point is Christian Parenti’s talkbased on his book “Lockdown America”
  4. Voices From The Empire People all over the world have identified what the American system means for them and what they have to do. The next section identifies how this is a world system and how the world has responded. Walter Rodney addresses the relationship between a Black American Prisoner and the international struggle in his short essay George Jackson: Black Revolutionary.
  5. Looking Inward There comes a moment when those inside the core examine the relationship to the colonized. Here, we examine those questions, starting with Bartoleme de Las Casas in his Brief Account of the Devastation of the Indies.
  6. Raising Our Voices Frederick Douglass, an escaped slave and abolitionist, was asked to give a Fourth of July speechwhile slavery still existed. His fiery talk is what this section is about: People within America recognizing that the American promises ring hollow.
  7. Against The War Machine Americans speaking and acting out against war is the next subject. Don Mitchell got a chance to speak to the bureaucrats of the military and talked about Americans as people of the world living under the same empire.
  8. Repression James Madison outlined what was needed to keep Americans from enjoying the fruits of democracy too much. Written over two hundred years ago, his essay, Federalist 10, identifies ways to control people that were impossible then.
  9. From Resistance to Revolution If you’ve read through all of this, you’ll probably be itching about what is to be done. There are numerous examples and one excellent one is Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women’s Movement. It is long, but readable and in-depth.
  10. Appendix A: Maps Everybody loves maps!
       If you haven’t been in school for awhile (or are in a terrible school), some of the words might trip you up. Dictionary.com and Wikipedia.org are two good resources to help you. And because we’re your friends, you can email us if you have any questions.

black like them

Black Like Them
PERSONAL HISTORY
Malcolm Gladwell

Through the lens of his own family’s experience,
the author explores why West Indians and American
blacks are perceived differently.

1.

My cousin Rosie and her husband, Noel, live in a two-bedroom bungalow on Argyle Avenue, in Uniondale, on the west end of Long Island. When they came to America, twelve years ago, they lived in a basement apartment a dozen or so blocks away, next to their church. At the time, they were both taking classes at the New York Institute of Technology, which was right nearby. But after they graduated, and Rosie got a job managing a fast-food place and Noel got a job in asbestos removal, they managed to save a little money and bought the house on Argyle Avenue.

From the outside, their home looks fairly plain. It’s in a part of Uniondale that has a lot of tract housing from just after the war, and most of the houses are alike–squat and square, with aluminum siding, maybe a dormer window in the attic, and a small patch of lawn out front. But there is a beautiful park down the street, the public schools are supposed to be good, and Rosie and Noel have built a new garage and renovated the basement. Now that Noel has started his own business, as an environmental engineer, he has his office down there–Suite 2B, it says on his stationery–and every morning he puts on his tie and goes down the stairs to make calls and work on the computer. If Noel’s business takes off, Rosie says, she would like to move to a bigger house, in Garden City, which is one town over. She says this even though Garden City is mostly white. In fact, when she told one of her girlfriends, a black American, about this idea, her friend said that she was crazy–that Garden City was no place for a black person. But that is just the point. Rosie and Noel are from Jamaica. They don’t consider themselves black at all.

This doesn’t mean that my cousins haven’t sometimes been lumped together with American blacks. Noel had a job once removing asbestos at Kennedy Airport, and his boss there called him “nigger” and cut his hours. But Noel didn’t take it personally. That boss, he says, didn’t like women or Jews, either, or people with college degrees–or even himself, for that matter. Another time, Noel found out that a white guy working next to him in the same job and with the same qualifications was making ten thousand dollars a year more than he was. He quit the next day. Noel knows that racism is out there. It’s just that he doesn’t quite understand–or accept–the categories on which it depends.

Double Jeopardy: Black and Female

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African AmericansDouble Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female

Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female

Jul 18 | 2,577 views | feministezine.com

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The Use of Drumming as Cure for Children with PTSD

Djembe

The Use of Drumming as Cure for Children with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)

Copyright © 2003 by David Otieno Akombo, Ph.D

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) can be an extremely debilitating condition that can occur after exposure to a terrifying event in which grave physical harm occurred or was merely threatened. Traumatic events that can trigger PTSD include violent armed conflict like that of Somalia, Rwanda and Burundi, and Sudan. Others may include personal assaults such as rape or mugging, natural or human-caused disasters, accidents, or military combat such as the veterans who are serving in Iraq or those who served in Vietnam and the Gulf Wars; rescue workers involved in the aftermath of disasters of the World Trade Center, survivors of accidents, rape, physical and sexual abuse, and other crimes; immigrants fleeing violence in their countries; survivors of the 1998 Nairobi US Embassy Bombing among others.

Effective treatments have now been developed to help people with PTSD. Research is also helping more scientists to better understand the condition and how it affects both the brain and body. Different forms of music such as drumming are becoming an important therapeutic tool. Drumming exercises greatly reduce stress among Vietnam veterans and other victims of trauma, apparently by altering their brain-wave patterns.

The effect of drum in the treatment of diseases should not be disputed. Since our ancestors first struck sticks and rocks against the ground, drumming has been a sacred ritual in many societies.(1) This belief emanates from the fact that throughout the world, the drum has been used for healing purposes. The traditional peo

ples of Africa, the Aboriginals of Australia, the Balinese of Southeast Asia, the Native American Indians, the ancient Celts among others all used drumming to bring the rain, the sun, a bountiful harvest, successful hunting and good health.(2) The drum has also been used in tribal societies with shamanistic traditions while communicating with the gods. In West-African wisdom teachings, Cottel (2001) noted that emotional disturbance manifests as an irregular rhythm that blocks the vital physical energy flow. Cottel also refers to current medical research which has shown that stress is a cause of ninety eight percent of all diseases such as heart attacks, strokes, immune system breakdowns, among others. Recent biofeedback studies (for example, Spintge 1992; Harner 1990; McIntosh 1996) show that drumming along with our own heartbeats alters brainwave patterns (increasing alpha) and dramatically reduces stress. Unlike the western cultures which rely on material evidence such as infection from bacteria or viruses, cell production such as cancer, or genetic defective chromosomes, the non-western cultures, relate to the diseases from a cultural perspective connecting the etiology to the metaphysical world. Their understanding of the disease etiology is embedded in their cosmology. For example the Luo tribesmen of Kenya believe that HIV/AIDS is caused by a curse. In this perspective, a curse is viewed as evil pronounced or invoked by another living person or the spirit of the dead. Among the Luo tribe, drum ensembles are performed with the object of exorcising the bad spirit from the patients.

Among the many African tribes, regular and balanced meter are regarded as a sign of good health. Even in improvisations, the performers are expected to render an exact replica of a standardized musical practice. These mythologies that relay regular and replicated rhythms to heal the person in an immediate and powerful way by removing blockages and releasing tension can be seen in the performance of a Kenyan tribal ritual dance, ngoma of the Taita as well. During this performance, a glissando is played by the lead drummer by gliding his left hand from the middle of the drum to the edge (kusira ngoma). By doing this, the drummer not only provides an expressively emotional pattern at the climax of the healing ritual but also provides a functional significance to the healing process because it is during this moment that the drummer sedates the pepo spirit to descend and exorcise the evil spirits from the patients. Kusira ngoma, which literally translates into “going beyond with music,” is the climax of the healing ritual and its ultimate extreme. This is the stage at which the patients shiver, fall to the ground and ultimately go into trance. During this healing ceremony, the master drummer controls the emotions of the patient while the patient unlocks his or her inner subconscious mind. In the middle of the performance when the interlocking parts become intense, the patient is induced to a state where they start to dance pathogenically as they respond to the mwazindika drum, letting their souls soar into the supernatural world to meet the deity. In a similar supernatural mediation, Cornelius (1990: 127) found that the Afro-Cuban bata drums were believed to be capable of talking and communicating directly with the Orishas, Yoruba gods. But this power of the drum to be able to speak is also possibly seen as a catalyst to helping people to talk. Ms. Ruth Noonan, a practicing music therapist in Longmont United Hospital in Colorado has observed that in her recent practice, she has witnessed the drumming helping a patient to regain speech:

via The Use of Drumming as Cure for Children with PTSD.